Israel’s Insistence on Palestinian Recognition May
Hurt It in the Long Run
In Shakespeare’s play, The Merchant of Venice, the title character, Shylock, ends up
getting into trouble by using a combination of desperation and contract law for
leverage against his enemies, with the aim of gratuitous revenge. He was essentially too clever for his own
good. John Kerry probably knows exactly
how he felt.
Kerry joins a long line of U.S. Secretaries of State who
have charged into Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations with high hopes and
aggressive timelines only to see both dashed against the hard reality of
intransigence. Kerry has been forced to
drop his self-imposed deadline to unveil not a peace agreement in favor of a
more nebulous “framework for peace.”
However, even that already may be dead on arrival over its expected
insistence that Palestinians recognize Israel as a Jewish state.
Finance Minister Yair Lapid calls recognizing Israel as a Jewish state “rubbish.” |
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas has already publicly
rejected the idea as unnecessary. “Why?”
he asks Israel. “To make peace? You made peace with Egypt and you didn't ask
them to recognize you. You made peace
with Jordan and you didn't ask them.”
For many people, the idea that Israel is a Jewish state –
indeed, the Jewish state – is obvious.
Its population is seventy-five percent Jewish. The U.N. resolution that formed Israel in
1947 explicitly mentions the concept of a Jewish State.
Not all Palestinians are as hostile to the idea as their
government leaders. Khazan Dhar, a West
Bank resident told NPR that while she
is reluctant to recognize Israel as a Jewish state, she admits she would accept
that if it meant peace. “If we can live
peacefully in our state and they live peacefully in their state, then why not?”
Yet there is an interesting and long-standing argument
that Israel need not make such demands of Palestinians. It maintains that such recognition is not
only unnecessary but actually insulting to Israel. As far back as 1977, a democratic head of
state proclaimed, “[Israel’s] right to exist – have you ever heard of such a
thing? Would it enter the mind of any
Briton or Frenchman, Belgian or Dutchman, Hungarian or Bulgarian, Russian or
American, to request for people’s recognition of its right to exist?”
That head of state was not U.S. President Jimmy Carter
but rather Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin in a speech before the Israeli
Knesset. Israeli Finance Minister Yair
Lapid told the New York Times in
August 2013, ”The fact that we demand from Palestinians a declaration that they
recognize Israel as a Jewish state, I just think this is rubbish.”
Others wonder what such a declaration by Palestinians or
others would mean for the twenty-five percent of Israeli citizens who are
non-Jewish, twenty percent of whom are Arab.
Would this relegate them to second-class citizenship?
There is no question that Israel is surrounded by hostile
neighbors, many of whom would like nothing better for the nation to
disappear. Likewise, it is apparent that
these neighbors are both Arab and Muslim majority countries and these are
leading reasons for their animus. But I
would argue this may well be the best argument for Israel to back off its
insistence on being recognized as Jewish.
Its chances of survival may be increased by maintaining a lower, less
flagrant profile in the region.
Part of the problem is that the term “Jewish” can be
thought of as a national and/or ethnic identify as easily as it can a religious
identify. Israeli Economic Minister Naftali
Bennett, a proponent of recognition, recently made this argument with CNN.
“Because I'm talking about the Jewish nation, not the Jewish religion .
. . [For example,] France is for the French.
France views itself as a French state.”
Unfortunately, that argument comes across as more legal
cuteness than smart, given the long-standing tensions in the region. Most people would probably be skeptical of a country
that insisted on being recognized as a Muslim state while simultaneously
denying any influence by Sharia law in its governance. In the end, Israel is a secular democracy
with a traditional Jewish majority, such as the United States is a secular
democracy with a traditional Christian majority. Those traditions, while important, are not
the critical factors behind who we are.
Israeli writer Ari Shavit argues that even if Israel was
founded as a Jewish state over sixty year ago in the aftermath of the
Holocaust’s horrors, “We evolved and now we define ourselves, rightly so, as a
Jewish democratic state. It's not
perfect . . . But if you look at the Middle East this is the lesser evil of all
options.”
I strongly endorse the requirement for Palestinians to
acknowledge the right of Israel to exist, just as Israel must acknowledge the
right of a Palestinian nation to exist.
However, forced recognition of Israel as a Jewish state, while something
that Palestinians might ultimately endure, is a pound of flesh that Israel
cannot afford to accept within the larger, hostile existence they occupy.
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